Yemen:Rescue
attempt that went tragically wrong
Yemeni Officials accuse Saudi Arabia of inciting trouble
29 December
1998
By Adel Darwish
Only few hours before the attempt to free hostages
taken in Yemen on 28 December, went tragically wrong, Victor Henderesn,
the British ambassador in the capital San'a told the BBC that the odds
for being mugged in central London are much higher than being harmed as
tourist in Yemen.
Mindful of the good treatment that 'guests'- the
name given to hostages by tribesmen in the past, were well treated and
went home with gifts and good memories, the ambassador thought that he
had talked interior minister, Hussein Mohammed Arab out of mounting a rescue
operation; he was wrong.
British Foreign Office was accused of being complacent.
Only on 20 December, Foreign Office advice to travellers heading for Yemen
did not indicate danger, although advised caution.
Western travellers are attracted to Yemen because
of its history, fascinating geography, unusual buildings and its romantic
mythology from Arabian nights and Queen Sheba.
Diplomats in San'a have grown accustomed to kidnapping
which became a multi-million dollar business for the tribes of the poorest
country in the Arab world. The tribesmen demands grew from just asking
for ransom money from oil companies whose employers were the first ' guests'
in early 1990s, to trade-offs like cars, or improving communities or extending
electricity to their villages.
In the past three years kidnappers demanded building
schools, community centres and improving their villages in exchange for
releasing the hostages. Three BBC journalists found themselves '' guests''
in the hands of tribesmen for a whole week early this year. One kidnap
incident last year was to promote a fellow-tribesman into a higher office
in government.
Tribal chiefs, traditionally at odd with the central
government have always looked after the ' guests'-hostages. '' Too bad
it's not possible to organise holidays like this, because it was fantastic,''
Giorgio Bonanomi, an Italian tourist who was held by tribesmen for five
days in August this year told Italian journalists, showing them his gifts
of traditional Jewellery and a dagger.
This time things were getting out of hand, according
to western diplomats in San'a, as this previously unknown group had crossed
the traditional lines of Kidnapping. On Saturday 26 December, they attacked
a pipe line that carries 150,000 bpd and damaged part of it. The act was
seen by the government as a serious attempt to strangle the already weak
economy.
Unlike other countries in the region, the Islamists
did not in the past - and unlikely at present - have a political base in
Yemen, but they had some training camps financed by some Saudi interests
- with encouragement of the Saudi Arabian government although they always
deny it- dating back from fighting soviet presence in Afghanistan.
It was the crack down on those militants early
this year and the arrest of their leaders that prompted the latest kidnapping,
according to a kidnappers' statement to the Yemeni News agency.
The recent incidents also followed a few weeks
of unrest. Roads on all sides of the capital, San'a, were cut when farmers
and tribesmen took to the barricades in an apparently co-ordinated protest
against fuel price increases in October. (cost of diesel fuel increased
by 67% to 45 riyals (22 pence or 36 cents) gallon as part of an IMF/World
Bank economic package).
In October Sheikh Shaya Bakhtan of the Al Salim
(Bakil) tribe seized four French tourists near Sa'ada, demanding 6 million
riyals (£32,000 or $48,000) and vehicles as a ransom. A few days
later in Marib province where the pipeline was attacked and this latest
kidnapping took place, Sheikh Mubarak Ali Sa'ada of the Bin Zabyan tribe
captured a British aid worker and demanded extending electricity and water
projects to his territory. Near Dhamar, two Russian doctors and their wives
were kidnapped by the Hada tribe, which was demanding the execution of
four rapists. A few days earlier an American was abducted near Sana'a
and taken to Barat, in Bakil territory.
Government officials were alarmed, as it was the
first time that four separate incidents have occurred in a single month.
Previously the most notable abduction spree was in the run-up to the 1994
war when the Bakil also disrupted fuel supplies in the north.
Yemeni sources said they viewed the latest developments
as another attempt by the Saudi Arabians - who financed and armed the separatist
movement in the south in 1994 - to increase the pressure on Yemen.
Yemeni foreign minister, Dr Abd al-Karim al-Iryani,
claimed last month that the kidnappings were a Saudi plot. Whenever Yemen
seeks closer relations with a western country, he said, one of their nationals
is abducted. "A week after it was known that Yemeni President Ali Abdallah
Salih would make his first official visit to London on 11 November, a Briton
was kidnapped."
As expected the Saudi ambassador to London Dr Ghazi
el- Qusabi ridiculed the idea. However a history of antagonism and border
clashes, as well a number of an usual coincidences sustain the conspiracy
theory: the four French hostages were taken just before President Salih
visited France, ten Italians were kidnapped before he visited Italy, and
the four Russians just as Yemen was attempting to re-schedule its debts
with Moscow.
But the Saudis have a long-term strategy to destabilise
Yemen and increase pressure on the poor neighbour for their own political
and geographical ambitions including taking a slice of Yemen to open an
access to the Indian Ocean, according to Yemeni officials. The view is
shared by a number of western officials in Yemen.
The undefined 1000 miles of frontier with Saudi
Arabia has been a source of friction. Saudi Arabia occupies two Northern
provinces of Yemen Osiran and Najran for over 60 years. While there are
some disputes over islands in the Red Sea.
In July, Saudi naval vessels shelled and occupied
the Yemeni al-Quwaima island, which was retaken by Yemen in a counter attack
two days later.
Saudi Arabia was directly involved in the civil
war that tore Yemen apart in the 1960's when the late Egyptian populist
leader Colonel Nasser backed the 1963 coup of colonel Abdullah el-Sallal.
Over 40,00 Egyptian troops were in Yemen. The war turned nasty as the Egyptians
set a precedent by using poison gas for the first time in Arabia, while
the Saudi royal family bribed tribes and financed British and European
mercenaries to back the deposed Imam Ahmad el-Bader who kept Yemen in medieval
times.
The Saudis were alarmed in 1990 when the two Yemens
formed a unity. The new nation of 16 millions with well equipped and battle
hardened army - the Southern army was trained by the British while the
Northern army was hardened by a six year civil war- would threaten their
interests.
Citing the sympathy of the San'a with Iraq in Persian
Gulf war in 1991 as a en excuse, Saudi Arabia expelled overnight one million
Yemeni workers who supported their families in Yemen causing economic havoc
in Yemen. In the same year the United States cut the aid to Yemen for the
same reason increasing the pressure on the poor economy. Then came the
civil war, which many people in Yemen believe that trouble like the kidnapping
and, started by Saudi money paid to tribesmen to cause mischief.
As Saudis conduct their diplomacy by chequebooks,
it is widely accepted in Yemen that Saudi interests - but the Saudi Mukhabart
(intelligence) backs the operation - have paid various tribes to cause
trouble in the past. Some Sheikhs have even boasted about receiving money
from their Saudi cousins. Most abductions are attributed to the Bakil tribal
grouping, which is traditionally at odds with the dominant Hashid, to which
Sanhan - the president's own tribe- belongs. Those tribes are regarded
as potential allies by Southern opposition groups who have lost the 1994
separatist /95 war. Yemeni officials accused the Saudi-backed Mowj of inciting
those tribes to cause trouble. They said it has been the tactics of the
Southern opposition front because the government has more qualms about
suppressing disturbances in the north than in the south.
The Saudis' long term strategy is to open a corridor
to the Indian Ocean by pushing the Yemeni eastern borders with Oman by
about 80 to 100 miles to the west. This would give Saudi Arabia a third
shore on the Indian Ocean, in addition to its long shores on the Red Sea
to the West and on the Persian Gulf to the East. Saudi oil exports to the
Far-East goes via the straight of Hermuz in the southern Gulf, which was
threatened with closure during the Iran Iraq war in 1980's. Another export
and maritime rout to the southern seas taking oil to South Africa and South
America is via the straits of Bab-Elmandab, controlled by Aden, while sailing
to Europe goes via Suez Canal.
Given the geography, a long shore on the Indian
Ocean would free the Saudis from the worries of sailing through hostile
straits and also give the Saudi navy a base on the open seas.
The Saudis tried the idea of negotiating a corridor
with Sultan Qaboos of Oman who turned it down.
Saudi insider sources say that Riyadh might give
the disputed oil rich provinces of Osiran and Najiran for the exchange
of the desired opening to the Indian Ocean.
Attempts by the Yemen to join the six nation Gulf
Cupertino council, which the UAE and Oman welcome is always blocked by
Saudi Arabia, which, experts say, will continue to put pressure in Yemen.
Bad news for oil companies and travel agencies who stared investing in
Yemen as kidnapping has become a useful political tool in the bizarre politics
of Arabia and a business for the tribesmen. Yemen, with its fascinating
geography, unusual architecture and culture as well as its mythological
romantic history (its mountains were the setting for Arabian nights and
the court of the Biblical queen Sheba) will continue to attract travellers. |